DOCUMENT 1

The Pittsburgh Resolutions, 1791

[Two meetings held at Pittsburgh, in August and September 1791, adopted resolutions that clearly demonstrate the issues of the Whiskey Rebellion.]
 
 

Resolved, That whereas, some men may be found amongst us, so far lost to every sense of virtue, and feelings for the distresses of their country, as to accept the office of collector of the duty,

Resolved, Therefore, that in future we will consider such persons as unworthy of our friendship, have no dealings or intercourse with them, withdraw from them every assistance, withhold all the comforts of life which depend upon those duties that as men and fellow citizens we owe to each other, and upon all occasions treat them with that contempt they deserve; and that it be, and it is hereby most earnestly recommended to the people at large, to follow the same line of conduct toward them.

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At Pittsburgh, the 7th of September, 1791, the following gentlemen appeared from the counties of Westmoreland, Fayette and Allegheny, to take into consideration an Act of Congress, laying duties upon spirits distilled within the United States, passed the 3d of March, 1791.

[eleven names follow]

Resolved, That having considered the laws of the late Congress, it is our opinion that in a very short time hasty strides have been made to all that is unjust and oppressive. We note particularly the exorbitant salaries of officers, the unreasonable interest of the public debt, and the making no discrimination between the original holders of public securities and the transferrees, contrary to the ideas of natural justice in sanctioning an advantage which was not in the contemplation of the party himself to receive, and contrary to the municipal law of most nations and ours particularly, the carrying into effect an unconscionable bargain, where an undue advantage has been taken of the ignorance or necessities of another; and also contrary to the interest and happiness of these States, being subversive of industry by common means, where men seem to make fortunes by the fortuitous concurrence of circumstances, rather than by economic, virtuous and useful employment. What is an evil still greater, the constituting a capital of nearly eighty millions of dollars in the hands of a few persons who may influence those occasionally in power to evade the Constitution. As an instance of this, already taken place, we note the act establishing a National Bank on the doctrine of implication [i.e., broad construction of the Constitution], but more especially, we bear testimony to what is a base offspring of the funding system, the excise law of Congress, entitled, "An Act laying duties upon distilled spirits within the United States, passed the 3d of March, 1791."

Resolved, That the said law is deservedly obnoxious to the feelings and interests of the people in general, as being attended with infringements on liberty, partial in its operations, attended with great expense in the collection, and liable to much abuse. It operates on a domestic manufacture, a manufacture not equal through the States. It is insulting to the feelings of the people to have their vessels marked, houses painted and ransacked, to be subject to informers gaining by the occasional delinquency of others. It is a bad precedent, tending to introduce the excise laws of Great Britain, and of countries where the liberty, property, and even the morals of the people are sported with, to gratify particular men in their ambitious and interested measures.

Resolved, That in the opinion of this committee the duties imposed by the said act on spirits distilled from the produce of the soil of the United States, will eventually discourage agriculture, and a manufacture highly beneficial in the present state of the country. That those duties which fall heavy, especially upon the western parts of the United States, which are, for the most part, newly settled, and where the aggregate of the citizens is of the laborious and poorer class, who have not the means of procuring the wines, spiritous liquors, &c., imported from foreign countries.

Resolved, That there appears to be no substantial difference between a duty on what is manufactured from the produce of a country and the produce in its natural state, except, perhaps, that in the first instance the article is more deserving of the encouragement of wise legislation, as promotive of industry, the population and strength of the country at large. The excise on home-made spiritous liquors, affects particularly the raising of grain, especially rye, and there can be no solid reason for taxing it more than any other article of the growth of the United States.

Resolved, That the foregoing representations be presented to the Legislature of the United States.

Resolved, That the following remonstrance be presented to the Legislature of Pennsylvania.

Resolved, That the following address, together with the whole proceedings of this committee, which were unanimously adopted, be printed in the Pittsburgh Gazette.

Signed by order of the committee.

Edward Cook, Chairman.
 

DOCUMENT 2

[Hugh Brackenridge later collected a number of affidavits, describing a meeting at Mingo Creek four days after Neville's house was burned. The following is from William Beaumont's statement.]

". . . the deponent [Beaumont] was one of those who accompanied Mr. Brackenridge to the meeting at Mingo Creek; that it was at the request of Mr. Brackenridge that he went, in order to vouch for his conduct on that occasion, and bear testimony of what should be said or done by him, considering the situation as delicate.

This deponent found the situation sufficiently delicate; and on a motion being brought forward early in the meeting and strongly supported, this deponent was greatly alarmed, being apprehensive of being brought to a vote on a question of that nature, which was to pledge ourselves to support what had been done; which, as this deponent understood, was the violence and outrage that had just taken place. This deponent was alarmed, because to go away might expose to insult and personal danger, as he understood the people of Pittsburgh were considered in an unfavorable light by the people of the country; and to vote against the question would be equally dangerous, or more so; and to vote for it this deponent could not think of, as it would involve in criminality.

In a speech of considerable length made by Mr. Brackenridge at this juncture, he appeared to have the same impressions; and with all the art and address that was in his power, wished to parry the question without rendering himself obnoxious to the multitude. The observations made by Mr. Brackenridge in the course of the speech, were, as nearly as this deponent recollected, to the following effect: those first made were of a nature to conciliate them (the persons present,) to the people of Pittsburgh, that they (the people of Pittsburgh,) were not abettors of the excise more than other people, nor did they undertake to support excise officers more than other people; they left these matters to the government. But at the same time it was a very difficult matter not to support, and to oppose; that be this as it might, we did not come as delegates from the town, but as individuals, and it would be no use for us to join in such a proposition, for it would not bind, as we represented nobody. That he, Mr. Brackenridge, had no objection to give his opinion on these matters; that what was done would be construed treason; it might be morally right, but it was legally wrong, and would subject those concerned to punishment, unless they had force enough to support an opposition to the laws; the matter must terminate in a revolution or a rebellion; if they had not strength to make it a revolution, it must be a rebellion: that that part of the country was but a small part to undertake such an object; that they had not even the four western counties, or neighboring counties of Pennsylvania, nor the three counties of Virginia, nor Kentucky, if that could be of any use; and that the undertaking afforded no rational prospect of success. That the case was not desperate; an accommodation might be brought about with the government, and that it would be much better for those not involved to remain so, as they would have more weight in their representations as advocates, than if involved themselves; and could with propriety come forward as a mediating party between the government and them. That there was reason to conceive that government would not be rash in taking vigorous measures; that the militia must be drafted; that there would be a reluctance in the militia of Pennsylvania to serve, and, perhaps, of the neighboring States; that the President would reflect on this and be disposed to an accommodation; that taking into view the disposition of the President, from what we had seen in the case of the British spoliations, it was a natural conclusion that he would not wish to involve the country in a war; and his conduct also in respect to the Indian tribes in treating with them to a degree that has been blamed where war has been thought better, gave reason to suppose that he would not be hasty in using vigorous measures in a case like the present; that the late instance of his lenity in the case of the Presq' Isle establishment, to which the letters of Cornplanter had put a stop, manifested the same thing. Here Mr. Brackenridge indulged some pleasantry on the apprehensions of government in this case, and created a laugh. In this and several parts of his speech, where Mr. Brackenridge indulged a vein of pleasantry and humor, this deponent saw through it, and thought it manifested a great degree of management and address, to play with the fancy of the people, and divert their attention from that intentness in having the proposition carried, which he was endeavoring to prevent. The result was, Mr. Brackenridge seemed to wish that all things should remain as they were, and be put in train of negotiation.

Mr. Brackenridge's speech ended, a pause ensued; most of the members of the meeting left the meeting-house for a short period of time. On being desired to resume their seats, we thought it most prudent to retreat, Mr. Brackenridge telling us, 'we had better get off as soon as we can, or they will bring us into some other disagreeable predicament.' This deponent went with Mr. Brackenridge, came away with him, had an opportunity of seeing him through the whole of the time, and did not observe him to have any private conversation with any person present.

DOCUMENT 3

The Pittsburgh Resolutions, 1794
 
 

At a meeting of the inhabitants of Pittsburgh, on Thursday evening, July 31st, 1794, to take into consideration the present situation of affairs, and declare their sentiments on this delicate crisis,

A great majority, almost the whole of the inhabitants of the town, assembled. It being announced to the meeting that certain gentlemen from the town of Washington [i.e., Pennsylvania] had arrived, and had signified that they were intrusted with a message to the inhabitants of the town relative to present affairs, a committee of three persons were appointed to confer with them, and report the message to the meeting. The persons appointed were George Wallace, H. H. Brackenridge and John Wilkins, Jr.; these gentlemen made a report to the meeting, to wit: that in consequence of certain letters sent by the last mail, certain persons were discovered as advocates of the excise law, and enemies to the interests of the country, and that a certain Edward Day, James Brison, and Abraham Kirkpatrick, were particularly obnoxious, and that it was expected by the country that they should be dismissed without delay; whereupon it was resolved it should be so done; and a committee of twenty-one were appointed to see this resolution carried into effect.

Also, that whereas it is a part of the message from the gentlemen of Washington, that a great body of the people of the country will meet to-morrow at Braddock's Field, in order to carry into effect measures that may seem to them advisable with respect to the excise law, and the advocates of it,

Resolved, That the above committee shall, at an early hour, wait upon the people on the ground, and assure the people that the above resolution, with respect to the proscribed persons, has been carried into effect.

Resolved, also, That the inhabitants of the town shall march out and join the people on Braddock's Field, as brethren, to carry into effect with them any measure that may seem to them advisable for the common cause.

Resolved, also, That we shall be watchful among ourselves of all characters that by word or act may be unfriendly to the common cause; and when discovered will not suffer them to live amongst us, but they shall instantly depart the town.

Resolved, That the above committee shall exist as a committee of information, and correspondence, as an organ of our sentiments until our next town meeting.

And that whereas, a general meeting of delegates from the townships of the country on the west of the mountains, will be held at Parkinson's Ferry on the Monongahela, on the 14th of August next,

Resolved, That delegates shall be appointed to that meeting; and that the 9th of August next be appointed for a town meeting, to elect such delegates.

Resolved, also, That a number of handbills be struck off at the expense of the committee, and distributed among the inhabitants of the town, that they may conduct themselves accordingly.

DOCUMENT 4

The Parkinson's Ferry Capitulation
 
 

Resolved, That taking the citizens of the United States from their respective abodes, or vicinage, to be tried for real or supposed offenses, is a violation of the rights of the citizens; is a forced and dangerous construction, and ought not, under any pretense whatsoever, to be exercised by the judicial authority.

[the second resolution is paraphrased by Brackenridge:]

To draft a remonstrance to Congress, praying a repeal of the excise law; and at the same time requesting that a more equal and less odious tax be laid; and giving assurances that such tax will be willingly paid by the people of these counties; to make and publish a statement of the transactions which have lately taken place in the country, relative to the excise law, and of the causes which gave rise thereto; and make a representation to the President on the subject; to have power to call together a meeting of the deputies, here convened, for the purpose of taking such further measures as the further situation of affairs may require; "and in case of any sudden emergency, to take such temporary measures as they may think necessary."

Resolved, That we will exert ourselves, and that it be earnestly recommended to our fellow citizens to exert themselves in support of the municipal laws of the respective States; and especially in preventing any violence or outrage against the property and person of any individual.
 
 

from the Commissioners' Report:

"If the said assurances [an oath of loyalty] shall be bona fide given in the manner prescribed, the commissioners on the part of the United States do promise and engage in the manner following, to wit:

1. No prosecution for any treason or other indictable offense against the United States, committed within the fourth survey of Pennsylvania, before the 22d day of August last, shall be commenced or prosecuted before the 10th day of July next, against any person who shall, within the time limited, subscribe such assurance and engagement as aforesaid, and perform the same. 2. On the said 10th day of July next there shall be granted a general pardon and oblivion of all the said offenses, excluding therefrom, nevertheless, every person who shall refuse or neglect to subscribe such assurance and engagement in manner aforesaid, or shall, after such subscription, violate the same, or willfully obstruct or attempt to obstruct the execution of the said acts, or be aiding or abetting therein.

3. Congress having, by an act passed on the 5th day of June last, authorized the State courts to take cognizance of offenses against the said acts for raising a revenue upon distilled spirits and stills, the President has determined that he will direct suits against such delinquents to be prosecuted therein, if, upon experiment, it be found that local prejudices or other causes do not obstruct the faithful administration of justice; but it is to be understood that of this he must be the judge, and that he does not mean by this determination to impair any power vested in the Executive of the United States.

4. Certain beneficial arrangements for adjusting the delinquencies and prosecutions for penalties now depending, shall be made and communicated by the officers appointed to carry the said acts into execution.

James Ross,

J. Yeates,

Wm. Bradford.

Signed in behalf of the committee representing the fourth survey of Pennsylvania, unanimously by the members present -- John Probst, Robert Dickey, John Nesbit, David Philips, John Marshall, Samuel Wilson, George Wallace, John M'Clelland. Pittsburgh, Sept. 2, 1794.

DOCUMENT 5

The Secretary of State writes to the President
 
 

Philadelphia, Aug. 5th, 1794.

SIR -- The late events in the neighborhood of Pittsburgh appeared, on the first intelligence of them, to be extensive in their relations. But subsequent reflection and the conference with the Governor of Pennsylvania, have multiplied them in my mind ten-fold. Indeed, sir, the moment is big with a crisis which would convulse the oldest government, and if it shoud burst on ours, its extent and dominion can be but faintly conjectured.

At our first consultation, in your presence, the indignation which we all felt, at the outrages committed, created a desire that the information received should be laid before an associate

justice, or the district judge; to be considered under the act of May 24, 1792. This step was urged by the necessity of understanding without delay all the means vested in the President for suppressing the progress of the mischief. A caution was prescribed to the Attorney General, who submitted the documents to the judge, not to express the most distant wish of the President that the certificate should be granted.

The certificate has been granted, and although the testimony is not, in my judgment, yet in sufficient legal form to become the ground work of such an act, and a judge ought not, a priori, to decide that the Marshal is incompetent to suppress the combinations by the posse comitatus; yet the certificate, if it be minute enough, is conclusive, that, "in the counties of Washington and Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, laws of the United States are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the Marshal of that district."

But the certificate specifies no particular law which has been opposed. This defect I remarked to Judge Wilson, from whom the certificate came, and observed, that the design of the law being that a judge should point out to the Executive where the judiciary stood in need of military aid, it was frustrated if military force should be applied to laws which the judge might not contemplate. He did not yield to my reasoning, and therefore I presume that the objection will not be received against the validity of the certificate.

Upon the supposition of its being valid, a power arises to the President to call forth the militia of Pennsylvania, and eventually the militia of other States which may be convenient. But as the law does not compel the President to array the militia in consequence of the certificate, and renders it lawful only for him to do so, the grand inquiry is, whether it be expedient to exercise this power at this time.

On many occasions have I contended that, whensoever military coercion is to be resorted to in support of law, the militia are the true, proper and only instruments which ought to be employed. But a calm survey of the situation of the United States has presented these dangers and these objections, and banishes every idea of calling them into immediate action.

1. A radical and universal dissatisfaction with the excise pervades the four transmontane counties of Pennsylvania, having more than sixty-three thousand souls in the whole, and more than fifteen thousand white males above the age of sixteen. The counties on the eastern side of the mountains, and some other populous counties, are infected by similar prejudices, inferior in degree, and dormant, but not extinguished.

2. Several counties in Virginia, having a strong militia, participate in these feelings.

3. The insurgents, themselves numerous, are more closely united by like dangers with friends and kindred scattered abroad in different places, who will enter into all the apprehensions, and combine in all the precautions of safety adopted by them.

4. As soon as any event of eclat [sic] shall occur, around which persons discontented on other principles, whether of aversion to the government or disgust with any measures of the administration, may rally, they will make a common cause.

5. The Governor of Pennsylvania has declared his opinion to be, that the militia which can be drawn forth will be unequal to the task.

6. If the militia of other States are called forth, it is not a decided thing that many of them may not refuse. And if they comply, is nothing to be apprehended from a strong cement growing between all the militia of Pennsylvania, when they perceive that another militia is to be introduced into the bosom of their country? The experiment is at least untried.

7. The expense of a military expedition will be very great; and with a devouring Indian war, the commencement of a navy, the sum to be expended for obtaining a peace with Algiers, the destruction of our mercantile capital by British depredations [i.e., New York, occupied throughout the Revolution], the uncertainty of war or peace with Great Britain, the impatience of the people under increased taxes, the punctual support of our credit; it behooves those who manage our fiscal matters to be sure of their pecuniary resources, when so great a field of new and unexpected expense is to be opened.

8. Is there any appropriation of money which can be immediately devoted to this use [?] If not, how can money be drawn? It is said that appropriations are to the war department generally, but it may deserve inquiry whether they were not made upon particular statements of a kind of service essentially distinct from the one proposed.

9. If the intelligence of the overtures of the British to the western counties be true, and the inhabitants should be driven to accept their aid, the supplies of the western army, the western army itself, may be destroyed; the reunion of that country to the United States will be impracticable; and we must be engaged in a British war. If the intelligence be probable only, how difficult will it be to reconcile the world to believe that we have been consistent in our conduct; when after running the hazard of mortally offending the French, by the punctilious observance of neutrality; after deprecating the wrath of the English, by every possible act of government; after the request of the suspension of the settlement of Presq' Isle, which has in some measure been founded on the possibility of Great Britain being roused to arms by it; we pursue measures which threaten collision with Great Britain and which are mixed with the blood of our fellow citizens!

10. If miscarriage should befall the United States in the beginning, what may not be the consequence? And if this should not happen, is it possible to see what may be the effect of ten, twenty, or thirty thousand of our fellow citizens being drawn into the field against as many more? There is another enemy in the heart of the Southern States, who would not sleep with such an opportunity of advantage.

11. It is a fact well known, that the parties in the United States are highly inflamed against each other; and that there is but one character which keeps both in awe. As soon as the sword shall be drawn, who shall be able to restrain them?

On this subject the souls of some good men bleed. They have often asked themselves, why they are always so jealous of military power, whenever it has been proposed to be exercised under the form of a succor to the civil authority? How has it happened that with a temper not addicted to suspicion, nor unfriendly to those who propose military force, they do not court the shining reputation which is acquired by being always ready for strong measures? This is the reason: that they are confident that they know the ultimate sense of the people; that the will of the people must force its way in the government; that notwithstanding the indignation which may be raised against the insurgents, yet if measures unnecessarily harsh, disproportionably harsh, and without a previous trial of every thing which law or the spirit of conciliation can do, be executed, that indignation will give way, and the people will be estranged from the administration which made the experiment. There is a second reason: one motive assigned [by Alexander Hamilton] in argument for calling forth the militia, has been, that a government can never be said to be established until some signal display has manifested its power of military coercion. This maxim, if indulged, would heap curses upon the government. The strength of the government is the affection of the people; and while that is maintained, every invader, every insurgent, will as certainly count on the fear of its strength, as if it had with one army of citizens mown down another.

[Randolph continues with thoughts on the wisdom of employing military force, and recommends negotiation.]

It will not, however, be supposed that I mean these outrages are to pass without animadversion. No, Sir! That the authority of the government is to be maintained, is not less my position than that of others. But I prefer the accomplishment of this by every experiment of moderation, in the first instance. The steps, therefore, which I would recommend are:

1. A serious proclamation, stating the mischief, declaring the power possessed by the Executive, announcing that it is withheld from motives of humanity and a wish for conciliation.

2. Commissioners properly instructed to the same objects.

3. If they fail in their mission, let the offenders be prosecuted according to law.

4. If the judiciary authority is, after this, withstood, let the militia be called out.

These appear to me to be the only means for producing unanimity in the people; and without their unanimity, the government may be mortified and defeated.

If the President shall determine to operate with the militia, it will be necessary to submit some animadversions upon the interpretation of the law. For it ought closely to be considered, whether if the combinations should disperse, the execution of the processes is not to be left to the Marshal and his posse. But these will be deferred until orders shall be discussed for the militia to march.

I have the honor, sir, to be

With the highest respect,

And sincerest attachment,

Your most obedient servant,

EDMUND RANDOLPH.